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Human rights trauma and the mental health of West Papuan refugees resettled in Australia

Concerns have been raised about human rights violations occurring over an extended period of time in West Papua, although the flow of information is limited because of restrictions in access to the province.15 The territory occupies the western half of the New Guinea landmass and was a Dutch colony until 1966, when it was annexed by Indonesia after a referendum that was widely regarded as invalid.2 Since then, there has been an ongoing resistance war aimed at achieving independence for West Papua, with reports of human rights violations including murder, torture and other forms of abuse. In addition, the indigenous population live in conditions of socioeconomic underdevelopment in spite of the wealth generated by the exploitation of natural resources.14

The ongoing conflict has resulted in a number of refugees seeking asylum in neighbouring Papua New Guinea and Australia. Refugees have been targeted directly by the Indonesian military for having an association with the independence movement.2,3,5,6 Most refugees are settled in Papua New Guinea, given that the onward trip to Australia is fraught with danger and uncertainty about achieving residency status.

The existing community of West Papuan refugees in Australia have permanent residency visas, the right to work and to health and social services, including English language training.

To our knowledge, there have been no systematic reports to date on the traumas, stresses and mental health of West Papuan refugees living in Australia.2 In this study we aimed to explore West Papuan refugees’ reported exposure to human rights violations and other traumas in West Papua, their ongoing living difficulties, particularly those associated with separation from their homeland, and manifestations of mental distress consistent with these experiences.

Methods

The study was undertaken between October 2007 and November 2010. We adopted a mixed-methods approach, combining mental health measures and in-depth interviews, following a procedure that is consistent with the Consolidated criteria for reporting qualitative research (COREQ).7 We were guided by the theoretical perspective of pragmatism, affording equal weighting to the quantitative and qualitative data,8,9 and drawing on the principles of complementarity, where quantitative and qualitative methods are used to address different facets of the same problem, and confirmation, where the results of two methods are examined to assess for convergence, dissonance or ambiguity.8

Study sample

West Papuan leaders estimated that there were 60 refugees residing in Australia, forming our target group. We applied a snowball recruitment method, with early participants assisting in locating and approaching other members of the West Papuan community who had arrived as refugees. We achieved an 88% response rate, with 37 men and 7 women participating. Of the total 44 participants, 28 resided in Melbourne, and 16 in North Queensland; however, members of the community tended to move between the two locations for work purposes. The gender balance reflects the pattern of migration, with more men leaving West Papua as refugees.

Six of those approached refused interviews because of fear of reprisal, and four returned to West Papua before their interview. We could not contact the remaining six identified West Papuan refugees. Given that several participants did not know their date of birth, we derived broad age groupings as follows: 19–30 years (14 participants), 31–40 years (17), 41–50 years (six) and 51 years and over (seven). Twenty-eight participants were single, 11 were married and four had been married previously. Sixteen participants were students, 20 were employed in agriculture (mainly on banana plantations), and the remainder were unemployed. To ensure protection of identities, we did not record actual dates of arrival in Australia. Nevertheless, we could confirm that most participants arrived in Australia during two migration waves (1980–1986 and 1995–1996), with a small number resettled in the 1970s.

Measures

The Harvard Trauma Questionnaire (HTQ) is the most widely used measure of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in the refugee and post-conflict mental health field.10 Two threshold scores have been applied in the literature: the commonly-used clinical cut-off of 2.5 and the lower cut-off of 2.0.11 The measure also lists commonly experienced human rights-related traumas and related severe stresses (scored 0 for no, 1 for yes), yielding a summary score of premigration potentially traumatic events (PTEs). Based on preliminary focus group data, we adapted the list to include items relevant to West Papua. Similarly, the Post-Migration Living Difficulties (PMLD) checklist was modified to assess postmigration stresses relevant to the experiences of West Papuan refugees in Australia over the past 12 months.12 The PMLD provides a summary score of total living difficulties (sum of items each scored 1 if causing severe or very severe stress).

The Kessler Psychological Distress Scale (K10) is a self-reported measure of psychological distress used extensively across countries, and provides a proxy index of depression and general mental disorder.13,14 We applied the established thresholds of mild (20–24), moderate (25–29) and severe distress (> 30) to provide gradations of symptoms within the community.

We applied an index of days out of role as a measure of disability, based on the number of days, out of the past 30 days, in which health-related problems prevented participants from conducting their usual daily activities.15

Procedure

The quantitative measures were applied across the whole sample. Qualitative data were collected in two phases. Phase 1, in the North Qld group, included in-depth open-ended interviews focusing on experiences before, during and after migration. Phase 1 also explored indigenous concepts and descriptions of idioms of distress reported elsewhere.6 From Phase 1 data, we derived themes relevant to the stressors and traumas experienced, which formed the basis of a semi-structured interview used in Phase 2 with West Papuans living in Melbourne.

Interviews were undertaken by West Papuan or Australian members of the research team. Australian interviewers not fluent in Bahasa Indonesia worked in parallel with West Papuan collaborators acting as translators. Participants were interviewed in their homes or at other private locations. Interviews extended up to 2 hours and included short breaks. Consent was obtained in accordance with ethics clearance from James Cook University, where the first author was employed at the beginning of the project.

Statistical analyses

We provide descriptive data (counts, means, SD) for premigration (human rights-related) traumas, postmigration stresses and measures of mental health. Pearson correlation coefficients are reported for associations between mental health indices and days out of role. Statistical analyses were undertaken using IBM SPSS Statistics version 20.

Mixed-methods data analysis

NVivo version 9 (QSR International) was used to derive metathemes and subthemes from the qualitative data to illustrate the interaction of stresses and traumas with mental health symptoms.1618 All data were collected and recorded systematically, with triangulation of results achieved by cross-verification of findings across research methods (qualitative interviews, quantitative measures), thereby providing additional validity for the findings.19

Results

Human rights violations and
other PTEs

Most of the West Papuan refugees (40/44) reported experiencing one or more categories of PTEs relating to their lives in West Papua (Box). In order of prevalence, the PTEs reported included family members being sick and unable to access health care (40/44), lack of food or water (39/44), personally being sick and unable to access health care (38/44), forced separation from family members (35/44), witnessing the murder of a family member or friend (34/44), lack of shelter (31/44) disappearance of family members (33/44), having one’s house intentionally burnt down by Indonesian militia or police (29/44), physical assault (27/44) experiencing a combat situation (26/44) and torture (21/44).

Describing the range and contemporary relevance of these traumas, a participant said:

People don’t know much about West Papua, there is a lack of interest in West Papuan issues. They don’t know about 10 to 15 students who support West Papuan independence every week being taken to prison to be tortured.

and

. . . they [Indonesian military] take over my country, kill, rape, and steal our property like gold, oil, timber, copper and fish.

Postmigration living difficulties

The most prevalent stresses faced by West Papuan refugees while living in Australia were associated with unresolved conflict in their homeland, including forced separation from family members residing in the home country (43/44), associated worries about the safety and wellbeing of family members (43/44), and not being able to visit their homeland in times of emergency because of ongoing conflict (41/44) (Box). Sharing the experience of most, a participant explained:

I feel sad and grieving because of the loss of land, separation from family, and the abuse of Papuans, I feel helpless, I can’t help my family back home, and we have lost everything.

PTSD symptoms

Most of the participants (26/44) reached the lower threshold for PTSD symptoms of 2.0, and 13 participants met the clinical threshold of 2.5. Commonly reported symptoms of post-traumatic stress included repeated nightmares and memories associated with traumatic experiences, flashbacks, periods of memory impairment, persistent avoidance of triggers of trauma events, reduced emotional responsiveness and social detachment, as well as a heightened state of arousal.

Reminders from the homeland triggered intrusive memories of past trauma:

I get very frightened when I hear news from home like family member pass away or Indonesian army killed one of my family members which reminded me of what happened before . . .

K10 results

According to the conventional cut-off scores for the K10, 21 participants had mild psychological distress, 11 had moderate psychological distress, and 14 had severe psychological distress. Over 30 participants reported prominent symptoms indicative of depression and anxiety, including feeling everything was an effort, that nothing could cheer them up, and feeling restless and fidgety. Explaining the significance of the trauma and loss to ongoing symptoms of distress, a participant said:

I feel sad because of what Indonesian military has done in WP [West Papua] . . . because my family passed away back home; because I can’t help my family back home; because people lost everything back home.

Disability

PTSD symptoms (mean, 2.05; SD, 0.62) were associated with the mean days out of role in the past month (mean, 3.71; SD, 5.76; Pearson correlation coefficient [r] = 0.375, P = 0.01), with psychological distress showing a trend in the same direction (mean, 24.25; SD, 8.90; r = 0.229, P = 0.15).

Discussion

Our study is the first mental health inquiry worldwide to document reported human rights violations and other PTEs and stressors experienced in the homeland, difficulties after migration, and trauma-related mental symptoms among refugees from West Papua. The data indicate that West Papuans report exposure to a wide array of human rights violations and other traumatic events in their home country, comparable to the experiences of other refugee groups exposed to conditions of mass conflict.20,21 Commonly reported traumas in our survey included lack of food or water, witnessing the murder of a family member or friend, having family members disappear, houses being intentionally burnt down and being involved in combat. Being unable to access medical care for oneself or one’s family in an emergency was the most widely experienced stressor, endorsing other reports identifying the problem of access to adequate health services for the indigenous people of West Papua.24

Importantly, refugees reported that family, friends and others were being exposed to similar traumas in their contemporary lives in West Papua. It is noteworthy that 48% of our sample reported being tortured, a form of abuse that is particularly potent in generating severe and persisting PTSD.20 The rate of exposure to torture is notable, given that an extensive systematic review of refugee research has shown that 21% of participants in 84 epidemiological surveys among refugees and conflict-affected societies worldwide reported being subjected to this form of abuse.20

There is accruing evidence that postmigration stressors can interfere with successful settlement among refugees.22,23 It was notable that the most highly reported postmigration stresses related to ongoing conflict in the homeland and anxieties about the safety and security of family remaining behind. Many refugees indicated that they would not be able to overcome their state of distress until the conflict in their home country ended and they were assured of the safety of their families.

The prevalence of symptoms of PTSD and psychological distress are comparable to those reported by refugee and conflict-affected populations in many other countries worldwide.20 Nevertheless, a number of refugees indicated that in spite of their symptoms, they made efforts to continue working and interacting socially with their compatriots. This commitment to maintain their level of functioning may account in part for the relatively low correlation between mental health symptoms and the days-out-of-role index.

The limitations of the study are the small sample size and issues relating to its representativeness. Privacy considerations limited us in gathering sensitive data such as the actual dates of arrival of refugees in Australia. The sample was restricted to refugees in Australia, so the prevalence of trauma and mental health symptoms cannot be generalised to the whole population of West Papua. We do not know if non-participants differed from respondents on key indices of trauma and mental health, a potential source of bias. In addition, we cannot dismiss the possibility of reporting bias given that several of the participants had taken a stand against the occupation of West Papua. We did not recalibrate the HTQ or K10 to norms for this culture, so international cut-off scores should be regarded as only broadly indicative of incremental levels of distress.

In summary, our findings shed light on the extent and nature of reported human rights violations and other traumatic events and consequent mental distress among West Papuan refugees resident in Australia. The results are particularly concerning given recent media reports that there are ongoing human rights violations occurring in a territory that is one of Australia’s closest neighbours.5 The data will be of value in alerting clinicians treating West Papuan refugees to underlying trauma and mental distress in this population that may not be readily revealed. More broadly, our research may provide impetus to initiating further and larger studies investigating the range of traumas and mental health problems of West Papuans both inside the territory and living as refugees in other countries.

Reported frequency of potentially traumatic events (PTEs) and severe traumas before migration, and living difficulties after migration

n

Premigration PTEs


Family members sick and unable to get medical treatment

40

Lack of food and water

39

Lack of access to medical treatment

38

Forced separation from family members

35

Witnessing murder of family or friend

34

Disappearance of family member

33

Lack of shelter

31

House burnt down by Indonesian militia

29

Physical assault

27

Experience of combat situation

26

Witnessing murder of stranger

25

Torture

21

Imprisonment

10

Serious injury

9

Postmigration living difficulties

Separation from family in homeland

43

Worries about family in homeland

43

Unable to return home during emergency because of ongoing conflict

41

Communication difficulties

35

Poor access to favourite foods

26

Discrimination

24

Loneliness and boredom

21

Fears of repatriation

19

Difficulties in employment

18

Isolation

18

Poverty

16

Difficult work conditions

14

Delays in processing asylum application

13

Limited work rights

8

Difficulties in interviews with immigration officials

7

Limited government assistance in welfare

7

Worries about lack of access to treatment for health-related problems

6

Poor access to dental care

6

Poor access to counselling services

5

Being in detention

3

Conflict with immigration authorities

3

Poor access to long-term medical care

3

Poor access to emergency medical care

2

Limited support from charities or non-government organisations

1

Developing a global agenda for action on cardiovascular diseases

Australian health policy can and should address, as a core aim, cardiovascular health in less economically advanced nations

Cardiovascular diseases have snatched the mantle of top-priority global health problem from infectious diseases including tuberculosis, malaria and HIV/AIDS. This is because of the deaths attributable to cardiovascular diseases, the years of life lost, and the longer-term disability from heart failure and stroke.1 While deaths due to cardiovascular diseases among people younger than 65 years have fallen dramatically in the past 50 years in Australia, in less economically advanced communities one-third of these deaths occur among people younger than 65 years.2

Cardiovascular diseases are potent widow- and orphan-makers. Particularly in developing communities, they can precipitate poverty. The cost of care in communities lacking affordable health insurance and effective primary care can be catastrophic.

The effect on a nation’s lost productivity and growth is no less disastrous. Every 10% rise in chronic non-communicable diseases is estimated to bring a 0.5% decrease in economic growth.3 It has also been estimated that deaths in developing countries attributable to chronic disease will grow from 46% of all deaths in 2002 to 59% of all deaths in 2030, or to more than 37 million lives lost per year.3

Why the delayed recognition? These circumstances have been many decades in the making. Three principal reasons for global inaction over those years stand out.

First, in many countries maternal and infant mortality rates are high, visible, tragic and immediate, and a natural priority for scarce health care resources. Such countries that now also face the cardiovascular crisis are war-weary from fighting infant and maternal mortality, tuberculosis, malaria and HIV/AIDS. But great gains have been made in these conditions, and it is now imperative that we encourage and support those nations to address chronic diseases.

Second, perception of cardiovascular diseases, in relation to human behaviour, differs radically from that of infectious diseases. As with type 2 diabetes, obesity and chronic lung disease, cardiovascular diseases occur principally among older people, in social conditions of fast economic development and generally favourable, poverty-reducing urban development. They depend on human behaviour — smoking tobacco, overeating fats and sugars, abandoning traditional (usually healthier) nutrition, and underexercising. Potential donors who wish to improve international health consider cardiovascular diseases off limits for funding, since these diseases are “the sufferers’ fault” or diseases of old age. It is hard to convince major donors that such adverse individual health behaviour is largely determined by domestic, community, work and economic environments and that older people matter.

Preventive strategies for chronic disease that respond to the individual and the social environment behind these disorders appear soft and diffuse. They are complex compared with, say, an immunisation program with its clean start, jab and finish. Interest groups that profit from an environment that promotes chronic diseases, especially cardiovascular diseases, resist efforts that encourage change.4

But these detached, judgemental and indolent attitudes are changing, stimulated by a 2011 United Nations meeting on the global chronic diseases crisis.5 The UN meeting resulted from years of advocacy by a few governments, including Australia’s, and non-government agencies concerned about cardiovascular diseases, diabetes, cancer and chronic respiratory disease — the NCD Alliance. The Lancet has shown admirable academic leadership in non-communicable diseases research by creating an action group, publishing special issues and providing support for international meetings.

Often the recognition of a crisis jolts us to take the matter seriously, and so it is with cardiovascular diseases. A political declaration from the UN meeting articulated goals and strategies for preventing and controlling non-communicable diseases over the following 5 years. This has pushed international agencies such as the World Health Organization to act. The WHO is responding with global strategies: enhancing tobacco control, addressing dietary salt reduction, nominating essential medicines (including antihypertensives), and advocating for fuller and more stable primary care services everywhere.

In addition, chronic diseases are being reconceptualised, and are now frequently perceived as an impediment to social development, thus adding them to the agenda for discussion concerning the next steps to be taken after the Millennium Development Goals conclude in 2015.6

The third factor behind our relative inaction, despite indisputable progress, has been those massive holes, only now beginning to close, in knowledge about what to do, and how to implement the knowledge we have.

Although we have had the major risk factors for cardiovascular diseases nailed for the past 50 years, and can use them to explain most of the variance in cardiovascular disease frequency, more basic and clinical research is required alongside health services research to translate these insights into effective policy, population interventions and individual behaviour change.

Fruitful fields of inquiry include events in early life capable of setting the later epigenetic, physiological and behavioural trajectories for chronic disease.7

Australia has generally done well with cardiovascular disease control, although onset and mortality occur a decade earlier in our Indigenous communities than in the rest of the population.8 Overall, rates of deaths due to coronary heart disease in Australia fell by 83% between 1968 and 2000, as newer medical and surgical interventions have exerted a spectacular positive influence on individuals, and lifestyle changes have contributed positively at the individual and population levels.9

Tobacco smoking is now less common in Australia than in most other economically advanced nations. Our efforts, although incomplete, in cardiovascular disease prevention and management in urban and rural Indigenous communities might apply to other communities. In a spirit of mutual learning, we should share our experience with these efforts.

We know well the battles over entrenched behaviour, practices and social structures that nourish risk factors. The tobacco war is by no means over, and the food and alcohol wars are just beginning here and elsewhere. In the United Kingdom, the government has recently suspended the push for tobacco plain packaging legislation,10 and the same is likely to happen to a minimum alcohol pricing policy.11

In Africa, rapid modernisation will, by the middle of this century, potentially not only lead to food self-sufficiency but also surplus food to export.12 Although this will alleviate starvation, it will spell disaster for rapidly urbanising populations where, if the previous experience of developed societies is any model, cardiovascular disease rates will increase quickly.

Translating knowledge and science into resource-poor (or even just less-developed) settings is culturally, politically and logistically difficult. But as a good and progressive global citizen, Australia can still advocate for access to essential medications, meaningful aid and public health support. Such strategies have worked to combat infectious diseases globally, but now they must address non-communicable diseases.

Australia has much expertise and experience to share in international efforts to prevent and control cardiovascular and other chronic diseases. If this challenge is embraced by both major parties in the upcoming federal election, it would be pleasing indeed.

Global health training and postgraduate medical education in Australia: the case for greater integration

To the Editor: We read with interest the viewpoint offered by Mitchell and colleagues, highlighting the need for improved integration of global health training in postgraduate medical education in Australia.1 This subject has garnered interest in Australia and overseas with reference to ophthalmology. In the United Kingdom, the case for structured global health training has been advocated in ophthalmology postgraduate education, where financial and bureaucratic disincentives inhibit motivated trainees from broadening their clinical experience overseas.2 The Royal Australian and New Zealand College of Ophthalmologists (RANZCO) received a grant from The Fred Hollows Foundation to develop the International Ophthalmology Development Register (IODR), which is available to RANZCO Fellows and final-year trainees. The IODR seeks to match the knowledge, skills and experience of those interested in global health ophthalmology with the needs and opportunities of training hospitals, non-government organisations and educational institutions within the Asia–Pacific region.3 Additionally, the IODR also includes a database that lists opportunities for international medical graduates from the Asia–Pacific region to undertake fellowships or observerships in Australasian teaching hospitals.3 Since going live in June 2012, the IODR has received over 100 registrations from these organisations and international medical graduates, and has had visits from individuals from over 60 countries.3 RANZCO has formed a set of good-practice guidelines for international development, aimed at trainees and Fellows planning to work in developing countries.4 Principles inherent in these guidelines include ensuring ethically appropriate, high-quality clinical practice, promoting sustainability of eye care programs and teaching eye care appropriate to communities’ needs.

Global health training and postgraduate medical education in Australia: the case for greater integration

To the Editor: Mitchell and colleagues have done medical education a service by outlining all the potential benefits and harms associated with global health training.1 They are right to state that sustainability is key — however, all too often in the past, it has been sustainability that has been lacking. According to Yikona, writing in 2003: “Case by case analysis of medical schools in sub-Saharan Africa would show an excellent first 10 years followed by a general downward spiral”.2 How are we to stop global health training going into a similar downward spiral?

There is unlikely to be a single answer, and potential answers are more likely to be found by looking forward rather than backward. The current technological revolution may, for example, have a profound impact on how we view global health training. In the past, doctors have had to travel to new locations to deliver education but today that is no longer necessary. Medical education may be delivered by means of synchronous video-conferencing over the internet. Surgeons can demonstrate new procedures by this means; physicians can diagnose patients with physical signs using teleconsultation; lecturers can simply lecture. Medical schools can put all their educational resources online and make them freely available to any learner in any country — to access them at a time and place that suits them.3 Curricula can be exchanged, improved and localised as they are transferred from one country to the next. Medical education may thus be delivered by fully qualified experts, rather than by doctors in postgraduate training.

Global health training and postgraduate medical education in Australia: the case for greater integration

In reply: We thank Walsh for highlighting that sustainability is a critical challenge in global health training (GHT) programs and that technology is creating new options for international engagement. He has also articulated a vision of qualified specialists taking a greater role in the delivery of clinical education in resource-poor settings. We share this aspiration.

One of the end points of GHT is a lifelong commitment to international education and collaboration. We envisage a future where significant numbers of Australian doctors participate in institutional relationships with health services and education providers in resource-poor settings. Technology might be exploited to deliver remote education and enhance supervision, with the overall effect of building local capacity. These partnerships should be mutually beneficial.

Several Australian hospitals and colleges have successfully developed longitudinal relationships with health services abroad. Senior trainees should contribute to these collaborations, in part because learning how to foster international partnerships is a key component of GHT. Although there are barriers to registrar involvement, we believe it is an important factor in ensuring sustainability.

Immigration screening for latent tuberculosis infection

Epidemiologist Justin Denholm advocates universal screening of migrants from high-incidence countries

In Australia, 1222 cases of tuberculosis (TB) were notified in 2011, which represents an annual incidence of six cases per 100 000 population.1 Despite this relatively low incidence by global standards, TB disease continues to cause significant morbidity and mortality, and has a substantial impact on the health and wellbeing of affected individuals and communities.2 In addition to the direct clinical impact, effective management of TB imposes a substantial burden on health care systems and public health programs. Opportunities to reduce TB incidence further in Australia, therefore, would be welcome and should be actively pursued.

Over the past decade, 80%–90% of people who developed TB in Australia were born overseas, with by far the most common clinical pathway to presentation being reactivation of previously latent TB infection (LTBI).3 People migrating to Australia from countries with high TB incidence are at significant risk of developing TB disease, even decades after arrival.4 In 2012, the National Tuberculosis Advisory Committee highlighted the importance of migrants in their strategic plan for control of TB in Australia, identifying overseas-born people in general, and overseas-born students in particular, as priority populations in the plan to reduce TB risk.5 Effective therapy for preventing reactivation is available, but most people who have LTBI have not been diagnosed and are unaware of their risk of developing active TB disease. Practical approaches to diagnosing LTBI among groups who are at high risk of TB disease are required, particularly close to the time of arrival in Australia because this is when diagnosis of LTBI would be most effective in preventing subsequent disease. While a variety of different strategies might accomplish this aim, perhaps the most efficient would be incorporating a screening program for LTBI into the existing immigration process.

Currently, TB screening in immigrants consists of a chest x-ray and a clinical examination before entry, to identify those with active disease. This program, combined with postmigration follow-up (the TB Health Undertaking) is effective in identifying migrants who have active TB infection.6 However, no testing for LTBI — with tests such as the tuberculin skin test or the interferon-γ release assay (eg, the QuantiFERON-TB Gold In-Tube assay [Cellestis], which is in use in Australia) — is performed routinely, apart from the testing done in accordance with recommendations to screen refugees and asylum seekers. Thus, the opportunity to systematically identify those at highest risk of progression to active TB is missed, as is the chance to intervene and prevent TB disease.

Arguably, the most appropriate approach to identifying LTBI in immigrants would be a requirement for LTBI testing to be performed on those arriving from countries with a high incidence of tuberculosis, followed by provision of effective LTBI therapy after arrival. For such a strategy to be justifiable, it should screen immigrants with an appropriately large risk of LTBI, using a test with high specificity, and positive test results should not be used to restrict migration.7 Data from LTBI screening programs in the United Kingdom suggest that the use of an interferon-γ release assay for screening immigrants from high-incidence countries would have a high yield of positive results — a positive test result is seen in 20% and 28% of migrants from the Indian subcontinent and sub-Saharan Africa, respectively.8 These programs are cost-effective when used to screen those younger than 35 years from countries with TB incidence of more than 40 cases per 100 000 population per year, with optimal efficiency for country thresholds of about 150 cases per 100 000 population per year.8 While an optimal threshold for the Australian context remains to be established, it is likely to be broadly comparable with the UK experience, suggesting that an efficient and cost-effective immigration screening program is a realistic consideration.

TB rates in Australia are likely to continue to rise due to the ongoing arrival of migrants with LTBI. While international efforts to control TB disease in high-incidence countries are critical for reducing transmission, prevention of LTBI reactivation is very important in terms of eradicating TB as a global public health issue. An immigration screening program for LTBI would be an effective and practical way to improve the health of new Australians through prevention of TB, reduce TB incidence and risk of secondary transmission in the Australian community, and further strengthen TB control programs in the Asia–Pacific region.

The challenge of suicide prevention

Alarge military truck slowly rolls up to the small emergency unit in Mullaitivu, a remote town on the north-eastern coast of Sri Lanka. In the back of the truck are two bodies. A young man and woman still entwined. Tied to each other with muddied strips of saree cotton, once vibrant and colourful. A double suicide pact outlined in a simple letter in the hands of the farmer who stumbled across their bodies in a jungle clearing. An illegal marriage across castes, an unborn child, chronic pain from shelling injuries sustained over decades of civil war. Deaths of loved ones, dire job prospects and the vision of life ahead lived in abject poverty have proved too much for the young couple.

In early 2009, Mullaitivu was the last stronghold of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the site of the last land battle between the Sri Lanka Army and the Tamil Tigers. Today, as the last of the government internment camps close down, it is home to thousands of newly resettled internally displaced people struggling to rebuild their lives under UNHCR-administered tarpaulin and four timber poles per family. A small government grant covers basic costs for the first few months, after which meagre compensation is only available for those with significant war-related disabilities — multiple amputations, paraplegia, head injuries. Basic infrastructure is still minimal, employment opportunities are scarce, and those who are physically able turn to farming or backbreaking paddy field work to make ends meet. Dirt roads become impassable during the monsoon season, and most travel hours via foot, bicycle or tuktuk to seek primary medical care.

In a short period of 6 months spent working at the Mullaitivu District Hospital emergency unit, I witness countless suicide attempts. Young and old. Male and female. Educated and illiterate. Attempted, sometimes completed. Methods employed vary, but poisons are popular. And effective. Here are their stories.

A young man, just 24 years of age, drinks a litre of kerosene before being rushed to the emergency unit. He fell in love last year and eloped. But she is the wrong caste and the wrong religion. Upon return to his village, he finds his father has already proclaimed the death of his son
to the whole village, and held a funeral service for him.
After a lengthy stay in hospital and significant chemical pneumonitis, he makes a full physical recovery.

An elderly man, probably 70 years of age, drinks an unknown quantity of the fatal organophosphate pesticide paraquat. He is also an alcoholic who has battled with the cheap locally brewed toddy (fermented coconut sap) ever since his release from a camp 2 years ago. He lost his two eldest sons during the latter part of the war, and his wife lost a leg during shelling raids. The conversation about the near-universal fatality of paraquat ingestion with him and his wife is one I would gladly never repeat. He dies a slow death from irreversible respiratory fibrosis on the medical ward over the following week.

A mother of two is rushed into the emergency unit in an agitated, drowsy state. No one saw what happened, but there is an empty bottle of MCPA, a readily available herbicide, out the back of her shelter. With no antidote
or treatment available, we monitor her over hours of agitation, drowsiness and rhabdomyolysis. Upon her recovery, she tells our counsellors that she watched her husband die at the hands of soldiers, and does not know the whereabouts of her elder two sons, captured by militants 3 years earlier. She also has some persistent vaginal bleeding and a linear posterior vaginal wall tear. She does not remember, or will not say, how this happened.

According to the World Health Organization, suicide is the thirteenth leading cause of death in the world and the third leading cause of death between the ages of 15 and 34 years.1 About 1 million people are estimated to die from suicide this year and a further 10–20 million people will attempt suicide worldwide.

The latest available data show that Sri Lanka ranks second in suicide rates among Asian nations, at 24 deaths per 100 000 population.1 Non-Indigenous Australia’s suicide rate is under 10 deaths per 100 000 population (NB, Indigenous Australia’s suicide rate is close to three times higher).2 In spite of these figures, it is widely believed that there is still substantial underreporting of suicide in Sri Lanka, especially in the war-torn north-eastern region, known to have the highest suicide rate in the country.1 Moreover, deaths from poisons are often misclassified as accidental or due to an undetermined cause, resulting in further underestimation of the real rate of suicide.3

The profile of suicide and suicidal behaviour differs significantly between developed and developing countries. Available data indicate that the association between mental disorders and suicide is less robust in developing countries.1 Socioeconomic stress and maladjustment, social and family conflict, physical and sexual abuse, lack of access to health care services and displacement appear to be as significant in predisposing to suicidal behaviour as underlying mental health or substance misuse.4 In terms of age distribution, proportionally more suicides in developing countries occur below the age of 30 years,
at enormous psychological, social and economic cost.1

Despite the obvious burden of suicide and suicidal behaviour, mental health and suicide prevention are low priorities for many developing nations struggling to address infectious diseases, malnutrition, infant and maternal mortality and the growing epidemic of chronic diseases. Across South-East Asia, there is an average of 0.44 mental health professionals (including psychiatrists, psychiatric nurses, psychologists and psychiatric social workers) per 100 000 population.5 Non-government organisations dedicated to mental health attempt to fill the enormous gap in mental health services in the developing world, but much of the work being done lacks rigorous evaluation and quality control.1 Within the international arena, the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities was only widely ratified in 2006.6

Strategies for suicide prevention in developing countries, as outlined by the World Health Organization1 and other international health alliances including the Disease Control Priorities Project,4 need to be comprehensive and multifaceted to deal with this significant but of hidden global health issue. Reliable and accurate reporting and data collection is of paramount importance but often complicated by ineffective, inefficient bureaucracy and distorted by social stigma and cultural attitudes towards suicide. Political and financial stumbling blocks hinder development of strong national suicide prevention plans that should ideally emphasise support
for vulnerable populations and education on suicide prevention for primary health care workers. Access to basic medical health care is often limited, and funding for mental health services is low on the priority list for many struggling nations.

Mullaitivu was an endearing place. Simultaneously, it was a beautiful and dreadful reminder of the resilience and fallibility of humankind. But stories from this town are not unique. It is becoming evident that suicide and suicidal behaviour is a significant public health problem in the developing world. The major challenge for effective suicide prevention strategies is the need to be comprehensive, coordinated and committed with very limited resources and significant system constraints.

Extensively drug-resistant tuberculosis hovers threateningly at Australia’s door

Tony Kirby explains why we should provide full care to all people arriving with resistant tuberculosis

It was hoped that extensively drug-resistant tuberculosis (XDR-TB) might never arrive on Australia’s shores. But new cases raise the spectre of death for patients, transmission to others and large costs for Australian taxpayers. Papua New Guinea (PNG) national Catherina Abraham, aged 20 years, “made it” to Australia and hit the headlines in October 2012 because she had been diagnosed with XDR-TB.1 After almost a year in an isolation ward at Cairns Base Hospital, she died on 8 March 2013. Her treatment cost Queensland Health about $500 000 and would have cost $1 million had she lived to complete it.1 Now another PNG national has been diagnosed with XDR-TB in Australia. In the preceding 8 years, only two other XDR-TB cases were recorded in Australia.2

According to Queensland Health, the most recently diagnosed patient came through the Torres Strait, was referred to Cairns Base Hospital and was transferred to PNG health services before the laboratory diagnosis of XDR-TB was made. He or she is currently in Daru Hospital (in PNG’s Western Province, the closest to Cape York). Although TB treatment is meant to be free for patients in PNG, potential exposure to other patients, the cost of sourcing active drugs, and the complexity and length of XDR-TB treatment mean that this patient is at significant risk of dying. A recent television exposé of Daru Hospital showed numerous patients with XDR-TB and multi-drug resistant TB (MDR-TB) mixing together and leaving their isolation wards, resulting in the risk of drug-resistant TB spreading through the community.1 Experts believe Abraham would have died within 1 month had she not reached Cairns and also predict that Australia could see its own outbreak of XDR-TB within 5 years.1

In comparison, 24 patients have been diagnosed with XDR-TB in the United Kingdom since 1995, six of whom were diagnosed in 2011.3 Patients with XDR-TB and the still-challenging MDR-TB in the UK are largely migrants from Eastern Europe, Africa and Asia. Last year, the UK government began requiring new entrants from TB-prevalent nations to have a chest x-ray with them on arrival to be granted a visa to enter the UK.3 Yet, owing to the UK’s porous air and sea borders and its accessibility and proximity to Europe, it is much more vulnerable than Australia to receiving patients with MDR-TB and XDR-TB. According to the UK’s Health Protection Agency, screening new entrants for latent TB would also be desirable. However, Australia is unlikely to enact a similar policy since it would produce many positive results for latent infection without identifying which patients would progress to active or drug-resistant disease (Justin Waring, Chair of the National Tuberculosis Advisory Committee, personal communication). So apart from the Qld–PNG border, it is difficult to predict where other XDR-TB or MDR-TB cases may appear in Australia, since migrants with latent infection can reside in any Australian city or region.

In Australia, significant resources can, at present, be directed at patients with XDR-TB. Yet in PNG, all forms of TB compete for resources with a catalogue of other health and social problems, including high rates of diarrhoeal illness, pneumonia, HIV (many patients with HIV are co-infected with TB), malaria, maternal mortality, and widespread and crippling poverty.4

The strategic plan for control of tuberculosis in Australia: 2011–2015 highlights the need to increase engagement with regional partners in TB control, particularly PNG’s Western Province.5 The plan also stresses that Australia’s workforce with TB expertise is diminishing, while its workload is increasing because of increasing numbers of patients from
TB-prevalent countries and increasing complexity of cases, including drug resistance. TB is also becoming increasingly unfamiliar on the overcrowded curriculum for Australia’s medical students.5 Going forward, continued TB education and training for general practitioners will be vital to enable rapid diagnosis of active TB (wherever it may occur), minimise transmission, and enable use of the latest technology to identify and treat patients with drug-resistant TB.2

Well coordinated TB management programs and general health care provision for people of Western Province must be urgently expanded to avoid increases in incidence of MDR-TB and XDR-TB and reduce the risk of more patients arriving in Australia. But patients who receive inadequate treatment in poor nations such as PNG, and patients who are unknowingly infected, will inevitably reach the Torres Strait or Australia’s mainland. Thus, conscious of Australia’s position as one of the world’s richest countries, TB experts agree that all patients with TB who present to health services in Australia should have free and equal access to TB care — from diagnosis to completion of treatment — irrespective of their legal status or demographic characteristics.6

Riding the waves of change

Change — in health care, its systems and community need — is one of the few certainties in medicine. A past Dean of Harvard Medical School, Sydney Burwell, put it this way in the 1950s: “My students are dismayed when I say to them, ‘Half of what you are taught as medical students will in 10 years have been shown to be wrong. And the trouble is, none of your teachers know which half.’” (BMJ 1956; 2: 113-116). A broader question is: do we ride out change or ride with it?

Many contributions in this issue of the MJA highlight not only change but also the associated challenges, constructive debates needed and hard decisions to be made as medicine and health care evolve.

An obvious, pressing development is the steady increase in medical graduate numbers, which are now double what they were in 2006. This surge means that a 400-place shortfall in first postgraduate-year training positions is forecast within 4 years. These “waves” of future graduates face questions about when, where, how and even if they will complete their junior medical officer year to become fully registered practitioners. Kevat and Lander (doi: 10.5694/mja12.10967) are concerned that the states’ “priority system” for selecting interns discriminates against interstate applicants, including those trying to return to their home state. Highlighting the Australian Capital Territory graduates now considered interstate applicants by the New South Wales system, they argue that this system contravenes the Australian Constitution. It is an issue that may be resolved not by the health system but in a court of law.

More medical students and graduates mean more competition for clinical experience as well as training positions. The new national registration standard will allow greater flexibility in obtaining the requisite clinical experience during internship. For example, Gosbell and colleagues ((doi: 10.5694/mja13.10176) say that the new standard will allow emergency medicine rotations to be done outside of emergency departments, including in some general practice settings. Although access to placements may improve, they say the accompanying national accreditation framework must prevent any dilution of clinical experience.

The quality and extent of students’ clinical experiences may affect their later careers. As de Costa and Rane (doi: 10.5694/mja13.10109) discuss, greater student numbers and the demands of other newer disciplines in medical courses mean that not all medical schools require their students to perform normal deliveries in obstetric rotations. What would the Australian community think if it was generally known that some of our doctors may be graduating without the experience of at least assisting in uncomplicated labour? And what of interns’ confidence levels if they are required to manage labour in regional and rural rotations?

One might wonder whether core clinical experience is being overridden by the introduction of new subjects to medical education. But at least one of these curricular developments may be truly needed, owing in part to the increasingly international orientation of medical schools and their students. As Law and colleagues (doi: 10.5694/mja12.11463) report, around one in four medical students undertake overseas electives in developing countries, with attendant personal risks and educational benefits; accordingly, briefings before and debriefings after such terms need to be scaled up. Mitchell and colleagues (doi: 10.5694/mja12.11611) advocate formal postgraduate global health training, in line with North American courses, focusing on international health equity and fieldwork.

Change in any aspect of the medical profession and health care inevitably raises the perennial question: what is the purpose of medical education? Today, as it was 50 years ago, there is no clear, single answer. But continuing renewal and adaptation to medicine’s evolving circumstances would seem necessary. The question today is how we can continue to adapt successfully to the changing tides.

Global health training and postgraduate medical education in Australia: the case for greater integration

Global health (GH) is now firmly entrenched as an academic discipline in its own right. Defined as an area for study, research and practice that places a priority on improving health and achieving health equity for all people worldwide, it emphasises transnational health issues, determinants and solutions; involves many disciplines between and beyond the health sciences; and synthesises population-based prevention with individual-level care.1

This article, written from the trainee perspective, considers the relevance of global heath experiences to postgraduate medical education systems in Australia. It examines the risks and benefits of vocational trainee exposure to international rotations in resource-poor settings and makes recommendations for enhanced integration of GH with specialty education programs.

Global health training

Recognition that doctors engaged in GH practice require a skill set beyond that traditionally incorporated into medical curricula has given rise to the concept of GH training.2,3 The groundswell of activity in this area has occurred in North America, where education in GH is increasingly integrated with medical school and postgraduate training programs. Although there is significant variation in the way GH training is delivered, curricula tend to focus heavily on health equity concepts and generally encourage international fieldwork.25 In some institutions, fellowship programs have been developed to allow senior trainees to acquire more advanced skills.6,7

In response to this growth, a comprehensive guidebook for the incorporation of GH training into residency programs has been published.4 Ethical guidelines for overseas rotations have also been produced, including statements by the Working Group on Ethics Guidelines for Global Health Training and trainee associations.5,8 These recognise the ethical complexities involved in international placements.9,10

This evolution is in keeping with a broader movement towards greater social accountability in medical education.11 Consistent with this, a 2010 Lancet commission called for additional emphasis on transformative and interdependent learning in order to produce health professionals who are equipped to face the global challenges of the 21st century.12

To a large extent, the expansion in GH training has been driven by a well documented demand from trainees. For example, a 2007 study of 724 surgical residents in the United States found that 92% were interested in undertaking an international clinical elective and 82% would prioritise this over other opportunities.13 In Canada, a recent survey of 1735 junior doctors identified that 43% had undertaken or planned to undertake GH activities.14

Australian experience

The extent to which Australian graduates are attracted to GH training has not been quantified but there is surrogate evidence of interest. Trainees are increasingly accessing GH learning and networking activities, including Global Health Gateway (an online resource: http://www.globalhealthgateway.org.au), the Global Ideas Forum (a conference for early career health professionals: http://www.globalideasforum.org) and Global Health Drinks (an informal experience-sharing forum in Sydney: http://www.globalhealthdrinks.org). The development of A guide to working abroad for Australian medical students and junior doctors, published as an eSupplement to this Journal, is also indicative of the interest in the area.15

At the undergraduate level, one study has suggested that over 90% of students believe that GH should be a component of medical school programs, and the number of attendees at the annual Australian Medical Students’ Association Global Health Conference continues to rise.16 Membership of university GH groups is also increasing.17

Despite the level of interest, GH training is poorly integrated with postgraduate medical education systems in Australia. Only recently has one college faculty drafted a specific curriculum to prepare fellows for GH practice.18 Key themes include reflective practice, cultural competency, health systems strengthening, community development, aid effectiveness and GH advocacy. While pathways to international work in other disciplines are relatively informal, the requisite skill sets are increasingly being described.19

Among colleges, mechanisms for determining if overseas rotations can be accredited towards fellowship are variable.15 Some have relatively well defined pathways — the Australasian College for Emergency Medicine, for instance, has created a specific option for trainees to undertake accredited training in a resource-poor environment with arrangements for remote supervision.20 Certain other colleges, including the Royal Australasian College of Physicians, have prospective approval processes for senior registrars wishing to undertake overseas placements.15

Although there are now several university-affiliated GH institutes, these are not well integrated with clinical training programs. As a marker of this, growing numbers of medical graduates are enrolling in relevant postgraduate courses, such as Masters of Public Health. These increasingly include a focus on health systems in developing countries.21

In the absence of formal arrangements, access to GH experiences is limited by a number of factors, including a lack of recognition from educational providers, suboptimal supervision arrangements, limited access to cultural competency training, competing training commitments, family responsibilities, loss of income and safety concerns.2,14,15 As a result, vocational trainees interested in working abroad tend to do so outside formal training programs and often through non-governmental organisations or volunteer placement agencies. One example is Médecins Sans Frontières Australia, which in 2012 dispatched 44 doctors (and many other health professionals) to international field settings; a majority of these were non-specialists (Sophie McNamara, Communications Officer, Médecins Sans Frontières Australia, personal communication, February 2013).

Benefits and risks

Reports of Australian trainees undertaking accredited training in overseas settings suggest that GH experiences can feasibly be undertaken as part of specialty education programs.15,22,23 While some aspects of GH education can be undertaken locally, many trainees will eventually seek international clinical experiences. The benefits of rotations in resource-poor settings are summarised in Box 1. Similar advantages have been described internationally.2,5,24

Several published examples illustrate how GH rotations can work in practice.15,22,23 Characteristically, these include service delivery and education components based on mutually agreed learning and development objectives. For instance, a recently described placement for Australasian College for Emergency Medicine trainees in Papua New Guinea includes both a clinical role in a regional emergency department and a teaching appointment at a local university.22,23

GH training based on sound principles has the potential to provide rewarding training experiences for Australian trainees, broker relationships between Australian and overseas health services and education providers, and build health care capacity in host communities. The establishment of international academic partnerships would also lend itself to enhanced regional research capabilities. Together, these developments would allow Australia to increase its practical contribution towards emerging GH challenges (such as chronic disease in the Asia–Pacific region) and help answer the call for greater leadership in the discipline.25

International clinical experiences also carry the potential for harm to the trainee, the training institution and the host community (Box 2).2,5,9,10,24 These risks are similar to those associated with short-term medical missions undertaken outside of mature and sustainable partnerships.26 The negative effects of “voluntourism” have been well described.26,27

Host communities are vulnerable; however, implementation of risk management strategies and observance of ethical guidelines should greatly ameliorate the potential for harm.5,9,24 Any arrangement where one party is exploited for the benefit of another would be unacceptable.

Towards greater integration

Notwithstanding the risks, the demand from trainees and educators for GH experiences means that the establishment of formal GH training pathways in Australia warrants greater consideration. This would align postgraduate training with the broader movement towards social accountability in medical education as well as Australia’s broader aid and foreign policy objectives. Similar calls have recently been made in the United Kingdom.28

Necessary steps as part of this evolution include:

  • attainment of better-quality data on models currently in operation and the extent of interest among trainees;

  • development of guidelines for Australian vocational trainees undertaking placements abroad, which could be supplemented by specialty- and placement-specific advice;

  • integration and mainstreaming of GH education into postgraduate training curricula;

  • incorporation of GH training into medical education conferences, to highlight best practice and encourage the development of evidence-based programs;

  • design, support and evaluation of opportunities for vocational trainees to undertake rotations abroad that are safe, effective and ethically defensible, in part because they are incorporated into mature bilateral relationships and accredited by the relevant training body; and

  • development of mutually beneficial and enduring partnerships between Australian and overseas health services, training institutions and GH agencies, underpinned by a commitment to academic collaboration and the exchange of knowledge and experience.

Although no central body has the capacity or authority to manage this process, incremental change should be achievable with collaboration between trainees, health services and education providers.

Experience from overseas suggests that development of effective GH training systems is likely to occur in an iterative fashion, with qualified institutions that have mature international partnerships leading by example. Medical colleges have a key role to play, drawing on the experience of international affiliates, academic institutes and volunteer deployment agencies.

Fortunately, there is no shortage of guidance to inform the process.35,9,15,24,29 Particularly relevant are previously defined competencies for Australian health professionals working in international health, including in technical, cultural and interpersonal domains.29 Ethical principles for Australian junior doctors practising in overseas settings have also been published and provide a platform for more substantive guidelines.18

More formal systems of GH training in Australia have the potential to create a cohort of doctors with the skills and knowledge necessary to engage in regional health challenges in a global context. Despite the complexity of developing safe and effective programs based on strong and durable international partnerships, the case for change is compelling.

1 Potential benefits of global health training and international rotations

Stakeholder

Benefit

Examples


Trainee

Personal development

Improved cultural safety; enhanced personal awareness; opportunities for leadership; appreciation of the complexities of enacting change as a visitor

Professional development

Exposure to different pathologies; refinement of diagnostic skills; appreciation of unique challenges within different health care systems; rationalisation of health care resources; development of a population and community health perspective

Training institution and/or health service

Enhanced clinical practice

New skills and knowledge sets that can be applied locally; systems improvement based on experience abroad; greater exposure to interprofessional training and practice

Recruitment and retention

Attract and retain trainees with an interest in global health

Mutually beneficial partnerships

Establish international exchanges, offering new training, clinical improvement and research opportunities

Australian community

Improved standards of health care

Complex health care delivered by clinicians with improved clinical, cultural and sociopolitical awareness; enhanced performance based on international knowledge and experience; clinicians experienced in generalist medicine

More equitable health care

Service delivery targeted at disadvantaged populations

Host community

Education and training

Clinical and non-clinical education delivered by visiting doctors; knowledge exchange between trainees; resources for enhanced training and supervision provided by Australian partners; opportunities for local graduates to undertake short- and medium-term reciprocal placements in affiliated Australian institutions

Research capacity

Enhanced capabilities based on mutually beneficial partnerships

Systems enhancement

Systems improvement based on Australian experience; additional workforce in the form of visiting trainees; development of long-term, mutually beneficial relationships

2 Potential risks of global health training and international rotations

Stakeholder

Risk

Examples


Trainee

Suboptimal training

Inadequate supervision or educational support

Physical and mental health

Communicable diseases; volatile environments; limited support networks and pastoral care; insufficient reflection and evaluation on completion of placement

Financial stress

Loss of income and entitlements; travel expenses

Training institution and/or health service

Financial loss

Loss of setup costs if training partnership fails

Liability

Potential legal proceedings; damage to reputation

Host community

Deviation from local priorities

Attention placed on health priorities not endorsed by the local community; emphasis put on Western models of health care that may not be appropriate for developing settings; focus potentially shifted away from generalist medicine

Inequitable partnership

Lack of involvement in decision making; imbalance in cost; attention deviated from service delivery

Unacceptable and unethical practices

Unsafe practice as a result of inexperience, inadequate supervision and unfamiliarity; culturally inappropriate practices resulting in psychological harm to patients

Human capital displacement

Displacement of local trainees; trained local health workers emigrating to Australia; disincentive to invest in a local workforce