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A population-based analysis of incentive payments to primary care physicians for the care of patients with complex disease [Research]

Background:

In 2007, the province of British Columbia implemented incentive payments to primary care physicians for the provision of comprehensive, continuous, guideline-informed care for patients with 2 or more chronic conditions. We examined the impact of this program on primary care access and continuity, rates of hospital admission and costs.

Methods:

We analyzed all BC patients who qualified for the incentive based on their diagnostic profile. We tracked primary care contacts and continuity, hospital admissions (total, via the emergency department and for targeted conditions), and cost of physician services, hospital care and pharmaceuticals, for 24 months before and 24 months after the intervention.

Results:

Of 155 754 eligible patients, 63.7% had at least 1 incentive payment billed. Incentive payments had no impact on primary care contacts (change in contacts per patient per month: 0.016, 95% confidence interval [CI] –0.047 to 0.078) or continuity of care (mean monthly change: 0.012, 95% CI –0.001 to 0.024) and were associated with increased total rates of hospital admission (change in hospital admissions per 1000 patients per month: 1.46, 95% CI 0.04 to 2.89), relative to preintervention trends. Annual costs per patient did not decline (mean change: $455.81, 95% CI –$2.44 to $914.08).

Interpretation:

British Columbia’s $240-million investment in this program improved compensation for physicians doing the important work of caring for complex patients, but did not appear to improve primary care access or continuity, or constrain resource use elsewhere in the health care system. Policymakers should consider other strategies to improve care for this patient population.

Health costs rise as rebate freeze bites

Patients face higher out-of-pocket costs as the medical profession struggles under pressure from the Federal Government’s Medicare rebate freeze.

As a result of the Government’s freeze, the gap between the Medicare rebate and the fee the AMA recommends GPs charge for a standard consultation will increase to $40.95 from 1 November, up from $38.95, continuing the steady devaluation of Medicare’s contribution to the cost of care.

The increase comes on top of the effects of the Medicare rebate freeze, which is forcing an increasing number of medical practices to abandon or reduce bulk billing and begin charging patients in order to remain financially viable.

Adding to the financial squeeze, the Government is considering changes that would cut the rents practices receive for co-located pathology collection centres that the AMA estimates would rip up to $150 million from general practice every year.

Under the changes recommended by the AMA, the fee for a standard Level B GP consultation will increase by $2 to $78, while the Medicare rebate remains fixed at just $37.05.

AMA Vice President Dr Tony Bartone said doctors had kept medical fee increases to a minimum, but Medicare indexation lagged well behind the cost of providing medical care.

“The MBS simply has not kept pace with the complexity or cost of providing high quality medical services,” Dr Bartone said.

The rise is roughly in line with Reserve Bank of Australia forecasts for underlying inflation, currently at 1.5 per cent, to rise anywhere up to 2.5 per cent by the middle of next year, and reflects steady increases in medical practice costs.

Staff wages, rent and utility charges have all increased, as have professional indemnity insurance premiums, continuing professional education costs and accreditation fees.

While practice running costs are rising, the Government’s contribution to the cost of care through Medicare has been frozen for more than two years, and in many cases far longer.

The Medicare rebate for GP services has not been indexed since mid-2014, while the last rebate increase for most other services was in November 2012. In the case of pathology and diagnostic imaging the rebate freeze is even longer, going back more than 15 years.

Dr Bartone said the rebate freeze was pushing up patient out-of-pocket costs.

“Many patients will pay more to see their doctor because of the Medicare freeze,” he said. “The freeze is an enormous burden on hardworking GPs. Practices cannot continue absorbing the increasing costs of providing quality care year after year. It is inevitable that many GPs will need to review their decision to bulk bill some of their patients.”

The AMA is pressing the Government to reverse the rebate freeze, and AMA President Dr Michael Gannon has declared he would be “gobsmacked” if it was still in place by the time of the next Federal election, due in 2019.

But Health Minister Sussan Ley has played down hopes that indexation will soon be reinstated, warning that there will not be a change of policy “any earlier than our financial circumstances permit”.

The Government is trying to curb the Budget deficit and rein in ballooning debt.

As part of its strategy, it is increasingly pushing the cost of health care directly onto patients.

Australian Institute of Health and Welfare figures show the Commonwealth’s share of the nation’s health bill slipped down to 41 per cent in 2014-15, while patients’ share has increased to almost 18 per cent, and Australians now pay some of the highest out-of-pocket costs for health care among Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries.

The cost of health

How AMA recommended fees compare with the frozen Medicare rebates

Medical Service

AMA Fee

(2015)

AMA Fee

(2016)

MBS Schedule Fee

(2016)

Level B GP consult

(MBS item 23)

$76.00

$78.00

$37.05

Level B OMP consult

(MBS item 53)

$76.00

$78.00

$21.00

Blood test for diabetes

(MBS item 66542)

$48.00

$49.00

$18.95

CT scan of the spine

(MBS item 56219)

$990.00

$1,055.00

$326.20

Specialist – initial attendance

(MBS item 104)

$166.00

$170.00

$85.55

Consultant Physician – initial attendance

(MBS item 110)

$315.00

$325.00

$150.90

Psychiatrist attendance

(MBS item 306)

$350.00

$355.00

$183.65

 Adrian Rollins

 

‘Obsolete’ Medicare system to be replaced

The Federal Government has commenced work on replacing the ageing Medicare, health and aged care payments system in a move welcomed by the AMA.

Health Minister Sussan Ley and Human Services Minister Alan Tudge have announced that the process of identifying a new system to supplant the current 30-year-old structure has commenced.

“Australia’s existing health and aged care payments system is 30 years old and is now obsolete,” the Ministers said. “A process has commenced to identify solutions for this new payments system, which will be based on existing commercial technology.”

But, seeking to prevent a repeat of Labor’s damaging election campaign claim that such a move amounted to the privatisation of Medicare, the Ministers insisted the Government would retain ownership and control.

“The new system will support the Australian Government continuing to own, operate and deliver Medicare, PBS, aged care and related veterans’ payments into the future,” they said.

AMA President Dr Michael Gannon said the Government’s move amounted to a modernisation rather than privatisation.

“The AMA made it very clear during the election campaign that replacing the backroom payment system for Medicare does not equate to the privatisation of Medicare,” Dr Gannon said. “The current payment system is 30 years old. It is clunky and inefficient. Its many faults create inefficiency and inconvenience for doctors and patients.”

The AMA President said medical practices had taken on much of the work of processing Medicare payments on behalf of the Government, costing them considerable time and effort.

The Government has promised to consult “extensively” with health providers and stakeholders in determining the final design of the new system.

Dr Gannon said such consultation was vital.

“It is critical the AMA is closely involved in the design of the new system to ensure it meets the needs of doctors and patients,” he said, adding that medical practices must be properly supported to incorporate and implement the new system for the benefit of patients.

Consultations on the new system are due to be finalised in January 2017.

Adrian Rollins

[Comment] Pursuing excellence in graduate medical education in China

Unquestionably, one of China’s primary challenges in health-care reform is improving the quality of clinical services.1 Patients who seek quality of care bypass poorly staffed primary care facilities for long waits in congested hospitals. Unsatisfactory quality of care is a major source of conflict between patients and doctors. Health inequity in China is due less to a shortage of health-care workers and more to abundant yet poorly educated service providers, especially in rural areas. That is why seven Chinese Government ministries in 2013 jointly launched the Standardized Residency Training (SRT) programme, which consists of 3 years of residency training after 5 years of medical school.

Bonds loosened on rural doctors

The Federal Government has relaxed the rules surrounding return of service obligations on doctors working in bonded placements, in a decision hailed by AMA President Dr Michael Gannon as a victory for common sense.

Health Minister Sussan Ley has responded to representations from the AMA by directing the Health Department to take a more flexible approach when applying return of service obligations on medical graduates enrolled in the Bonded Medical Places (BMP) program and the Medical Rural Bonded Scholarship Scheme (MRBS).

The move means that BMP and MRBS doctors will no longer be prevented from travelling to metropolitan areas for extra training or instruction.

Dr Gannon said the policy shift addressed a damaging and unintended consequence of the obligation rules.

“The Department was previously bound by rigid guidelines to applying these return of service obligations, often leading to outcomes that made little sense,” the AMA President said. “Doctors who clearly were committed to their rural patients and more than meeting their obligations found that they were being essentially blocked from undertaking extra training or keeping up their clinical skills, simply because they would have to go to a city for a brief period to do so.”

Under the original terms of the BMP program, doctors were required to complete a period of eligible service in a rural area or district of workforce shortage equivalent to the length of their medical degree. MRBS graduates were required to complete at least six years eligible service in a rural area.

Related: National rural generalist program key to retention

Former AMA President, Professor Brian Owler, wrote to the Government last year highlighting that the rigid application of return of service obligations was having an unfair effect on participants who were trying to meet these obligations, particularly when they needed to undertake up-skilling and further training in a metropolitan area.

The AMA Council of Rural Doctors has previously identified the importance of rural doctors being able to access opportunities to up-skill in metropolitan centres from time to time.

The Council said such opportunities were vital to support sustainable, high quality, medical care and enable practitioners to share skills and knowledge with their rural colleagues, including doctors in training.

Dr Gannon said return of service arrangements were never intended to be an impediment to this, and the new, more flexible approach taken to their application was an important piece in the puzzle for supporting high quality rural health services.

Under the new policy approach, Health Department officials will have greater scope to approve requests by participants to undertake work in a broader range of areas, provided they are otherwise meeting their return of service obligations.

Dr Gannon urged a sensible approach to the more flexible arrangement.

“It is important that the Department of Health takes a practical approach when it applies the new policy so that it supports doctors who are committed to working in areas of workforce shortage,” he said.

“By taking steps that support a good working experience, this will encourage them to commit to long term practice in these areas – for the benefit of local communities.”

Latest news

Hospitals could pay for mistakes

Public hospitals would be charged for mistakes that seriously harm or kill patients and penalised for avoidable readmissions under reforms being developed at the behest of Health Minister Sussan Ley.

Ms Ley has directed the Independent Hospital Pricing Authority (IHPA) to model how funding and pricing could be used to cut the cost to the Commonwealth of so-called sentinel events such as operating on the wrong body part, incompatible blood transfusions, deadly medication errors, sending a baby home with the wrong parents or patient suicide.

The Authority has also been asked to look at ways to penalise hospitals that exceed a predetermined rate for avoidable readmissions.

The move coincides with the release of draft Productivity Commission proposals to publicise treatment outcomes for individual hospitals and doctors as part of measures to boost competition and contestability in the provision of health care.

In a consultation paper released on 30 September, IHPA said that incorporating safety and quality measures into pricing and funding models signalled the value Government attached to high quality care.

“Financial incentives can encourage a strengthened focus on identifying and reviewing ways in which the safety and quality of public hospital care can be improved. This can ensure that pricing and funding approaches are aligned with other strategies to improve safety and quality,” the Authority said.

It said activity-based funding was often criticised for emphasising the volume of services rather than their quality or appropriateness, and increasing attention on sentinel events and avoidable readmissions could counter this.

Ms Ley has asked IHPA to present its options to the COAG Health Council by 30 November.

This would mean they could be incorporated into a new funding model for sentinel events and preventable hospital-acquired conditions that has been foreshadowed to come into effect from 1 July next year.

But hospital funding remains a huge political football between the Federal and State levels of government.

Although a pledge by Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull of an additional $2.9 billion in Commonwealth funding to 2020 helped mute public hospital services as an issue during the Federal election, long-term funding arrangements remain unresolved and are a point of tension between the two levels of government.

It makes a challenging setting for preliminary Productivity Commission (PC) proposals to increase information disclosure by hospitals and doctors and greater contestability between human services, including public hospitals.

While Australian public hospitals performed well by international standards, “there is scope to improve”, the PC said, including by matching domestic best practice and publicly disclosing more information.

“Public patients are often given little or no choice over who treats them or where. Overseas experience indicates that, when hospital patients are able to plan services in advance and access useful information to compare providers (doctors and hospitals), user choice can lead to improved service quality and efficiency,” the PC said.

It said that any reforms to boost user choice would have to be supported by “user-oriented information”, and suggested the English model in which increased choice is offered at the point where GPs refer patients to a specialist.

The Commission said experience in England had shown that patients given a choice of hospital and consultant-led team sought out better performing providers, and hospitals in locations where competition was most intense recorded the biggest improvements in service quality.

In order to exercise their choice, patients had access to web-based information enabling them to compare providers according to waiting times and mortality rates, and could use an online booking service.

“Greater competition, contestability and informed user choice could improve outcomes in many human services,” the PC said. “Well-designed reform, underpinned by strong government stewardship, could improve the quality of services, increase access…and help people have a greater say over the services they use and who provides them.”

Treasurer Scott Morrison said he had ordered the review to improve the efficiency and cost effectiveness of human services.

But Opposition leader Bill Shorten, reprising Labor’s scare campaign during the Federal election on the privatisation of Medicare, said he feared it would be used to justify the wholesale handover of human services to the private sector.

“We’ve all seen this move before,” Mr Shorten said. “When Malcolm Turnbull and the Liberal Party start talking about changing human services it means that poor people get it in the neck.”

The Commission said that not all human services were amenable to increased competition, contestability and choice, but identified public hospitals and palliative care services among six priority areas targeted for reform.

The enormous variety of Australia’s public hospitals, including big differences in the populations they serve, workforce arrangements and characteristics and the complexity of their links to the rest of the health system, militate against like-for-like competition – something the Commission admitted.

If such issues or political considerations made fostering direct competition unfeasible, the Commission instead suggested exerting pressure for improved performance by making the position of senior hospital managers more precarious.

“There have been difficulties in the past commissioning non-government providers, and lessons from these attempts should not be forgotten,” it said. “As a result, it may be more feasible to implement contestability as a more transparent mechanism to replace an underperforming public hospital’s management team (or board of the local health network) rather than switch to a non-government provider.”

The PC’s preliminary report is open for submissions until 27 October, and the Commission is due to deliver its final report by October 2017.

 Adrian Rollins

Improving maternity services for Indigenous women in Australia: moving from policy to practice

The disparities in health outcomes between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (hereafter called Indigenous) and non-Indigenous Australians are well established, with the life expectancy gap being among the worst in the world.1 There is growing evidence that the chronic diseases that are prevalent in Indigenous Australian adults (diabetes, hypertension, cardiovascular and renal disease) have their genesis in utero and in early life.2,3 One of the greatest medical threats to the wellbeing of Indigenous children is being born preterm or at a low birthweight (LBW). Australian Indigenous babies are almost twice as likely to be born LBW than Australian non-Indigenous babies or Indigenous babies from similar countries (Box). Other contributors to poor outcomes include the enduring effects of colonisation, social exclusion, sustained institutionalised racism, and stark inequities across many of the social determinants of health, including income, employment, education, and access to goods, services and health care.6,7

Australia’s National Maternity Services Plan (NMSP) states that Australia is “one of the safest countries in the world in which to give birth or to be born. However, this is not the case for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people.”8 The NMSP was based on an extensive review of maternity services.9 It set out a 5-year vision for the years 2010–2015, and a framework for implementation with the federal, state and territory governments endorsing the plan and committing to long term improvements, investments and service developments under four key areas: access, service delivery, workforce and infrastructure. Actions for the initial, middle and later years were identified, as were indicators to measure the signs of success. The NMSP identified three priority areas for Indigenous women: (i) increasing the Indigenous workforce; (ii) increasing culturally competent maternity care; and (iii) developing dedicated programs for Birthing on Country.8

We reviewed government documents that are freely available and related to the NMSP, including annual reports.1012 We included relevant literature published since the release of the Review of Maternity Services in 2009,9 and other literature related to maternity services for Indigenous women. We examined the four key areas in relation to the priority areas for Indigenous women. We note that the NMSP did result in additional benefits to all Australian women that are not detailed in our review, for example the development of the National Evidence-Based Antenatal Care Guidelines.

Priority 1: The Indigenous maternity workforce

Action 3.2 of the NMSP was to develop and support an Indigenous maternity workforce across all disciplines and qualifications, and to provide more scholarships (such as the Puggy Hunter Memorial Scheme) to facilitate this action. Small one-off initiatives are seeing slow progress in this area with some jurisdictions doing better than others. In 2015, there were 230 Indigenous midwives nationally, comprising only 1% of the midwife population, while Indigenous Australians constitute 3% of the population and 6% of all Australian births.13 Additionally there is a marked drop-out of midwifery graduates from clinical roles soon after graduation, and this highlights a need for ongoing support.14

Across Australia, we are seeing an increasing number of maternity models that recognise the contribution of Indigenous workers who have a variety of titles and job descriptions. Some recognise the importance and cultural expertise of elders and grandmothers like the Strong Women Workers,15 while others aim to provide women support through bicultural partnerships between midwives and maternal infant health workers,1419 with some supporting Indigenous student midwives (Appendix). This is a positive start that needs dedicated funding for scaling up and monitoring. In Canada, the Inuit have managed this in very remote settings,20 but we see little of this in Australia. Increasing the Indigenous workforce is likely to increase the cultural competence of the whole workforce and the workplace.14

Priority 2: Culturally competent maternity care

Action 2.2 of the NMSP was to develop and expand culturally competent maternity care for Indigenous Australians. Cultural competency is best comprehended as a philosophy and paradigm for transformational heath practice. Importantly, the ideologies with cultural competence, safety, security and respect are to embed knowledge, skills and values to create change to enable culturally responsive and informed care. Evidence from America has shown that the use of this approach in government-funded agencies has improved the knowledge and attitudes of health professionals working with clients from marginalised groups, whose disparities are costing health services greatly.21 The NMSP tackled this by commissioning a literature review to document the characteristics of culturally competent maternity care and draft indicators for measurement.22 Further work was to develop mechanisms for evaluating cultural competence in maternity care and undertake a national stocktake of access to culturally competent maternity care; both have yet to be completed. However, the establishment of the National Centre for Cultural Competence, a joint venture of the Australian Government and the University of Sydney, is likely to have an impact nationally with online and workshop cultural competency training and resources available for a broad audience. Additionally, the Congress of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Nurses and Midwives provide face-to-face health-specific training in cultural safety.

Cultural competency education and training is a strategy aimed at addressing health disparities, although further development and work are required to appreciate the most effective methods, the flow-on effect of training to patients, and the best tools for measuring cultural competence in individuals, organisations and in the maternity setting.2123 Critically, “racism constitutes a ‘double burden’ for Indigenous Australians, encumbering their health as well as access to effective and timely health care services.”24 Achieving culturally competent maternity services is key to improving maternity care and good health for mothers and babies.25

Another emerging area in developing a cultural competent workforce is that of trauma-informed care and practice, whereby care providers understand the ongoing impact of intergenerational trauma resulting from historical injustices, colonisation, removal from and dispossession of land, and continuing racism.26 This is particularly important given that Indigenous children are overrepresented in out-of-home care compared with non-Indigenous children (nine times higher; 35%27), with some women encountering the child protection system during pregnancy, leading to the removal of their babies at birth. This is an incredibly distressing situation for all involved, but most particularly the mother. Redirecting funding from removal to supporting vulnerable families would see greater short and long term benefits.

Although maternity services in Australia are designed to offer women the best care, they largely reflect modern western medical values and perceptions of health, risk and safety.28 This is unlike the Indigenous world view, reflected in their definition of health, which incorporates not just physical wellbeing, but also the social, emotional and cultural wellbeing of individuals and the whole community.7

Maternity systems have failed to incorporate the evidence provided by Indigenous women on the impact of social risks that include cultural risk (eg, the belief that not being born on their land threatens claims to land rights) and emotional risks (having to spend weeks removed from family and other children while awaiting birth).29,30 Recent empirical work in Australia reconfirms that these risks are still valid, highlighting that they not only cause distress to women and families, but also increase clinical and medical risks (eg, women not attending antenatal care, or presenting late in labour, to avoid being flown out of their community for birth); this is a factor not well understood by health service leaders.28 The risks are greater for Indigenous women from remote and very remote communities, some of whom feel that giving birth in hospitals, many miles from their home, may be the cause of ill health as it breaks the link between strong culture, strong health and the land, a link that is strengthened during birth.31 While away from community and other children awaiting the birth, pregnant women are susceptible to anxiety, stress and depression, and often have particular concerns that their other children may be vulnerable to child protection services in their absence.30

We acknowledge the importance of clinical and medical risk, but suggest that the definition of risk needs be broader, to incorporate the social (cultural, emotional and spiritual) risks as valid and important dimensions of risk assessment requiring risk management processes. For example, when women need to leave their community for specialist care, strategies to ensure her other children are safe, or can travel with her, must be implemented as part of the risk management process. The disconnection between social, cultural and spiritual risk and western clinical and medical biophysical risk is a critical and understudied phenomenon that needs further work.

Priority 3: Dedicated programs for “Birthing on Country”

Action 1.4 of the NMSP was to increase access to high quality maternity care for women and their family members in remote Australia. Twenty-four per cent of Indigenous women who give birth each year live in remote and very remote Australia (versus 2% of non-Indigenous women), highlighting the importance of services in these areas. Although there has been some improvement in pregnancy care in some communities,32 empirical studies continue to report the challenges of providing maternity services in these areas, a lack of regular access to midwifery care and suboptimal quality of care caused by the lack of a systematic approach, appropriate clinical governance and cultural competence among health care providers.18,33,34 One approach to solving this in some of the larger remote and very remote communities is to establish Birthing on Country sites.

Action 2.2.3 of the Plan addressed Birthing on Country, which was defined as maternity services designed and delivered for Indigenous women that encompassed some or all of the following elements:

  • were community based or governed;

  • incorporated traditional practice;

  • recognised the connection with land and country;

  • incorporated a holistic definition of health;

  • valued both Indigenous and non-Indigenous ways of knowing, learning and risk assessment; and;

  • were culturally competent and developed by, or with, Indigenous people.35

The Maternity Services Inter-Jurisdictional Committee brokered a literature review of Birthing on Country programs in Australia, New Zealand, Canada and America to determine if any had made a significant improvement to outcomes. The review found a number of programs met the criteria, but there was a dearth of high quality research, with most studies having short term evaluations, small numbers and potential selection bias. Despite this, some programs show significant improvements in antenatal attendance, screening and treatment; immunisation rates; mean birth weight; reduced preterm birth and cost; and women report increased satisfaction (see full report35 for details, and the Appendix to this article for examples).

The Inuit model in Northern Quebec provided the most robust evidence of an “exemplar model”, where three Birthing on Country services operate in places that are many hours by plane from facilities where caesarean delivery can be performed. These facilities meet community expectations, address clinical/medical, social/cultural, spiritual and emotional risks and have improved maternal and infant health outcomes while supporting local midwifery training.20 Increasing numbers of these services are operating in Canada, with some having been sustainable since the mid-1980s and early 1990s.20 The benefits of community-based birthing services, over and above the improvements in maternal infant health outcomes, include community healing, comprehensive tailored care, support of the community, local training and employment and reduced family separation at critical times.20 The evidence suggested that a Birthing on Country model of maternity care would most likely produce significantly improved outcomes for Indigenous women in very remote through to urban areas.35

The review was followed by a national Birthing on Country workshop, facilitated by the Maternity Services Inter-Jurisdictional Committee and Congress Alukura in Alice Springs in 2012. Participants voiced concern that “Birthing on Country”, as a term, lacked clarity which may have contributed to a lack of engagement from key service providers and government departments. Nevertheless, participants proposed that Birthing on Country be retained and understood as “a metaphor for the best start in life for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander babies and their families, an appropriate transition to motherhood and parenting for women, and an integrated, holistic and culturally appropriate model of care.”36 The middle and later years of the NMSP were to see Birthing on Country programs developed and evaluated, with the workshop recommending that “exemplar sites” be established in urban, rural, remote and very remote areas to deliver “… not only bio-physical outcomes … it’s much, much broader than just the labour and delivery … [Birthing on Country] deals with socio-cultural and spiritual risk that is not dealt with in the current systems”36

Birthing on Country in remote and very remote Australia

Despite policy frameworks that support primary maternity services delivering culturally competent care closer to home,7,8,37 demand from Indigenous women and communities,38,39 and multiple recommendations over 25 years,8,3841 there has been no progress towards establishing and evaluating Birthing on Country services in remote or very remote Australia. In these areas, such services would need to be Primary Maternity Units or Services, which are defined in the National Maternity Services Capability Framework42 (Action 4.2.2 of the Plan saw the development of this Framework) as Level 2 services. Internationally, there is strong empirical evidence that Primary Maternity Units/Services provide safe perinatal care for women classified as being at low risk of complications,43,44 including in rural and remote areas.20,45 Despite this, few such services operate in Australia (3 urban/regional; 17 rural; 0 remote),46 reflecting a centralisation of services, a lack of medical support in some cases, safety and sustainability concerns in others.44,47 In fact, Australia has seen a 41% decline in maternity services over the 20 years from 1992 to 2011, especially in rural areas, correlating with a 47% increase in unplanned out-of-hospital births (22 814 births).48 There is an unequivocal relationship between distance to maternity services and poorer clinical49 and psychosocial outcomes.50,51 This lends support to the argument to prioritise Birthing on Country models in remote and very remote areas, where some of the most disadvantaged women in Australia live the furthest from maternity services.

Determining the appropriate level of maternity services that are safe and will be sustainable in a given location is challenging. Action 4.2.1 in the NMSP was to develop rigorous methods to help with planning maternity care in rural and remote communities. This work was completed with the development of the Australian Rural Birth Index, which can be used to determine the appropriate level of maternity service for a community, based on the average number of births in a community, the vulnerability of the community, and distance to a facility that can perform caesarean delivery.52 The work accompanying this project found disparities in access to services across Australia and minimal adjustment for the needs of vulnerable, rural and remote populations. Additionally, the project identified that the perceived risks to health services of operating services in remote areas is given priority over the clinical and social risks experienced by families (when they do not have local maternity services).28

Where to from here?

The Review of Maternity Services outlined serious challenges that needed attention in Australia and recognised a clear role for leadership by the Australian Government in concert with state and territory governments.9 The NMSP was developed to address these issues and to measure progress.8 There is little doubt that it resulted in the strengthening of maternity services in some areas. Additionally, three National Health and Medical Research Council Partnership projects are advancing Birthing on Country in urban areas. In Perth, there is a project exploring the Cultural Security of Aboriginal Birthing Women;53 in Melbourne, the Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisations (ACCHOs) and three large hospitals are offering all Indigenous women one-on-one midwifery care with a known midwife antenatally, in labour and up to 6 weeks postnatally;54 and, in Brisbane, one of us (S K) is working with two ACCHOs and two large maternity hospitals to develop and evaluate an Urban Birthing on Country service model. Several jurisdictions are developing models incorporating some of the principles of Birthing on Country; most are successfully engaging pregnant women earlier and more often than standard care, and early evaluations are starting to show improved outcomes (Appendix).

We must not lose this momentum. It is time for a new maternity services plan with high level monitoring to continue to tackle emerging priorities and complete unfinished business, particularly for Indigenous women in rural and remote communities. Three professional organisations (the Australian College of Midwives, the Congress of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Nurses and Midwives and the Remote Health Organisation, CRANAplus) have released a position statement calling for action,55 and recommending the Australian government show leadership and develop a strategic approach to implementing and evaluating Birthing on Country programs. We believe that leadership in this area must continue to come from the Australian government, with greater urgency than has been evident to date. Dedicated funding must be allocated towards supporting the Indigenous maternity workforce, developing and measuring culturally competent care and establishing Birthing on Country sites in urban, rural and particularly in remote and very remote communities. This recommendation is based on international evidence that already exists, and government funding should extend to generating further evidence so the lessons learned can be applied to sites elsewhere.

Box –
International comparison of rates of low birthweight


Source: Australian Health Ministers’ Advisory Council4 and Australian Institute of Health and Welfare.5

Models of maternity care: evidence for midwifery continuity of care

In Australia, 300 000 women give birth each year, with almost all using maternity care services, either public or private.1 Maternity services are the third most common specialised service offered by hospitals,2,3 accounting for more than one million patient-days annually.4 The most common principal diagnosis for overnight hospital stays is single spontaneous birth, which accounts for 4.2% of acute separations in public hospitals and 2.4% in private hospitals.4

The provision of high quality maternal and newborn care is an important global aim, as articulated by the United Nations.5 In Australia, the 2011 National Maternity Services Plan stated that “All Australian women will have access to high-quality, evidence-based, culturally competent maternity care in a range of settings close to where they live” and recognised that continuity of care is very important for women.6 This plan followed the Maternity Services Review, which made recommendations regarding access to a range of models of maternity care, with a focus on women in rural and remote areas and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women, and the need to build and support the maternity workforce to ensure the provision of safe, quality care for all women.7

Much has happened in Australia and globally over the past decade in the provision of maternal and child health services, and specifically regarding models of maternity care. Here, my aim was to review the current evidence for models of maternity care that provide midwifery continuity of care, in terms of their impact on clinical outcomes, the views of midwives and childbearing women, and health service costs. I used PubMed to identify original studies and review articles for the past 15 years (2001 onwards), as well as national policy reports and guidelines, to formulate an evidence-based overview of midwifery models of care and their application in the maternity care system. The key search terms included midwife, midwifery continuity of care, continuity of carer, midwife-led and midwifery services. I also searched the reference lists of identified articles for further studies.

What are models of maternity care?

To review the evidence for midwifery models of care, an understanding of how such models are defined is first needed. “Models of maternity care” is a term frequently used but poorly understood. An extensive literature review undertaken by the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare found that models of care in general are poorly defined.8,9 One definition of a model of care is “an overarching design for the provision of a particular type of health care service that is shaped by a theoretic basis, EBP [evidence-based practice] and defined standards”.10

Models of maternity care can be provided in both the private and public sectors by obstetricians, general practitioners and midwives. In Australia, the Maternity Services Review defined maternity services as essentially falling within one of four broad models of care: private maternity care, combined maternity care, public hospital care and shared maternity care.6 However, there are many more nuances in the way maternity models of care are configured, depending on the sector (public or private), the risk status of the pregnant woman (low risk, high risk, or mixed), the carer (midwife, doctor, Aboriginal health worker), the way care is organised (caseload, collaborative links), the location (hospital, community, home) and the way women move through the model from entry to exit.8 To deal with these complexities, a national project has been developing a classification system for models of maternity care.11,12 This project has identified the major categories of models of care, including midwifery models of care that provide continuity of care (Box). Midwife-led continuity of care models include midwifery group practice caseload care, team midwifery care and private midwifery care. Midwifery group practice caseload care and team midwifery care are the focus of this review.

Midwifery continuity of care models: the evidence for benefit

In the past two decades, considerable research has been undertaken into models of maternity care that provide midwifery continuity of care. A Cochrane review of midwife-led continuity of care models included 15 randomised controlled trials involving 17 674 mothers and their babies.13 Seven of these trials were undertaken in Australia: in New South Wales,1417 Victoria18,19 and Queensland.15,20 All 15 trials included women receiving care from licensed professional midwives, in collaboration with doctors where necessary. In most trials, the women were predominantly at low risk of obstetric complications, although in one of the more recent trials, conducted in Sydney and Brisbane, women were of a mixed obstetric and medical risk status and were not transferred out of the model if they developed further risk factors.15 Trials that included homebirth were excluded. A possible limitation of this Cochrane review is that it examined both team midwifery and caseload models, as it is not yet clear which model is most effective.

The findings showed benefits and no adverse effects compared with other models of care.13 Women who received midwife-led continuity of care were more likely to have a midwife they knew with them during labour and birth, more likely to have a spontaneous vaginal birth and less likely to have epidural analgesia, episiotomies or instrumental births. Women were less likely to experience a pre-term birth, and their babies were at a lower risk of dying (including all deaths before and after 24 weeks’ gestation and neonatal deaths). Women rated midwife-led continuity of care models highly in terms of satisfaction and there was a trend towards a cost-saving effect for the midwife-led models, although there was inconsistency in reporting of both these outcomes.13 The review concluded that “most women should be offered midwife-led continuity models of care”. While some trials included women of mixed risk who were cared for in collaboration with doctors, more research is needed to determine the most effective models of care for women with existing serious pregnancy or health complications. In addition, the included trials were all from high income countries, making generalisations to the context of low to middle income countries difficult.

The Cochrane review of midwife-led continuity of care models was one of the reviews analysed to develop a framework for quality maternal and newborn care for The Lancet’s Midwifery Series.21,22 The framework emphasised the centrality of midwifery continuity of carer in providing the care that is needed by women and newborn infants, regardless of setting, and highlighted the importance of working collaboratively in interdisciplinary teams to provide care for women and infants who have, or develop, complications.23

Midwifery continuity of carer has also been examined in non-randomised studies, although these carry an inherently increased risk of bias. These include a study in a large referral centre in Sydney, where a third of pregnant women received care through a midwifery continuity of care (caseload care) model.24 Midwives were organised in groups of four and were responsible for the care of a specified caseload of women throughout pregnancy, birth and the post partum period.25 The midwives followed the Australian College of Midwives’ National midwifery guidelines for consultation and referral.26 In this study, a “standard primipara”, defined as a first time, “low-risk” mother, was used as the unit of comparison, to reduce differences between the caseload care, standard hospital care and private obstetric care groups. Women who received caseload care were more likely to have a spontaneous onset of labour and an unassisted vaginal birth and less likely to have an elective caesarean delivery than those in the other two groups, with lower average costs of care.24

Midwifery continuity of carer can also be provided in “free-standing midwifery units”. In these units, primary level care is provided by a named midwife, with no routine involvement of medical staff. The units are geographically separate from the referral centres that provide obstetric, paediatric or specialised medical consultations when necessary. Free-standing midwifery units do not provide epidural analgesia or caesarean deliveries on site. A prospective cohort study of two such units in NSW showed that women who planned to give birth at a free-standing midwifery unit were more likely to have a spontaneous vaginal birth, less likely to have a caesarean delivery and had no differences in 5 minute Apgar scores compared with women who planned to give birth in tertiary level maternity units.27 Babies from the freestanding midwifery unit group were significantly less likely to be admitted to neonatal intensive care or the special care nursery. However, only two such units exist in Australia, suggesting that widespread implementation would be a challenge. Although this study analysed where mothers intended to give birth rather than where they actually did give birth, this accurately reflects the need for transfer in some women, and analysing according to intention is important in studies on place of birth. There was some crossover between the groups in actual birth locations, but these involved only 1% of the study population.

Across Australia, similar clinical and cost outcomes have been reported from non-randomised studies of midwifery continuity of carer in South Australia,28 Queensland29 and NSW.30 A review of 22 international non-randomised studies has also shown that low risk women in midwife-led, birth centre or homebirth services in the care of midwives experienced fewer obstetric interventions and were more likely to have a normal birth without complications than low risk women receiving standard hospital or obstetric care.31 Although these were non-randomised studies, with diverse study designs and models of care, they nevertheless provide additional evidence supporting midwifery continuity of care.

Midwifery models of care for specific groups

Midwifery models of care have been implemented for a range of specific groups, especially young women and women from minority or marginalised groups. For example, a retrospective cohort study in Queensland showed that women younger than 21 years of age who were allocated to midwifery continuity of carer (caseload care) were less likely to have a pre-term birth or to have their baby admitted to a neonatal intensive care unit than those receiving standard care.32

In Australia, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women and babies experience higher maternal and perinatal morbidity and mortality rates than their non-Indigenous counterparts.1 Several models that provide midwifery continuity of carer have been specifically designed and evaluated for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women.

In the Northern Territory, two such midwifery models have been evaluated. A midwifery group practice in Alice Springs catered for 763 local women, 40% of whom were Aboriginal, over 4 years. This model of care has eight midwives who work in pairs or teams of three, depending on skill level and work hours. Each pregnant woman is assigned a primary midwife, with back-up from her primary midwife’s colleagues, who she meets during her pregnancy. A retrospective review found that the rates of perinatal mortality, pre-term birth and low birthweight babies for these women were lower than those reported for the NT population.33 Retrospective analysis such as this has inherent limitations due to the nature of the data and the ability to make comparisons; however, a randomised controlled trial would not have been feasible or possible in this setting.

The other study in the NT involved a new model of maternity care for remote-dwelling Aboriginal women, who were transferred to a regional centre in Darwin to await birth. Women were provided with midwifery continuity of care from their arrival in Darwin until their transfer back home, with effective communication networks between the regional centre and remote community health centres. The study showed that, for the first time, Aboriginal women could access continuity of care once they reached Darwin, and the women reported more positive experiences with maternity services than previously.34 The model was shown to be cost-effective for remote-dwelling Aboriginal women of all risk levels.35

In a more urban setting, a midwifery continuity of carer model was established in an area of high socio-economic disadvantage in Sydney, to meet the needs of Aboriginal women and families, as well as non-Aboriginal women and families from nearby suburbs, many of whom were from migrant and refugee communities.36 The service was based in a suburban house 6 km from the referral hospital. Women received antenatal care and postnatal or child health services from the house and gave birth in the labour ward of the referral hospital. The service was staffed by midwives, Aboriginal health education officers, a community health worker and a child and family health nurse. The midwives and Aboriginal health education officers accompanied the women to the hospital if they needed to attend for antenatal visits, and the midwives were on call to care for the women when they went into labour. An evaluation of qualitative and quantitative data showed that women and the local community valued the service and that women were likely to attend for antenatal care early in pregnancy and to engage with health promotion initiatives, such as smoking cessation.36 Continuity of caregiver (midwife and Aboriginal health education officer) was highlighted, with women in the focus groups speaking of this aspect as being “the best part” of the service.

Midwifery continuity of care: effect on organisations and midwives

In both the public and private sectors, midwifery continuity of care is usually provided in a caseload model. These midwives work on call rather than on a shift-based roster and usually have arranged times for antenatal and postnatal care (provided either in hospital or community settings or women’s homes). The midwives usually work in partnerships or small groups to enable care by a back-up midwife who is known to the woman, should her primary midwife be unavailable.37,38 They also work within hospital guidelines and collaborate with non-caseload midwives, managers, obstetricians and other medical specialists as required. In Australia, a full-time caseload midwife in a public hospital model cares for 30–40 women per year as the primary midwife (depending on the complexity of the women’s pregnancies) and provides back-up for colleagues who usually have a similar caseload.39 Industrial guidelines, which vary across the country, ensure that midwives have adequate time off and are fairly remunerated for their on-call work.

Some midwifery continuity of carer models are based in birth centres, while others use the hospital’s standard labour ward. There are a few models that also provide access to publicly funded homebirth for carefully screened women at low risk of complications.40,41

Midwifery continuity of carer, or caseload midwifery, has been associated with positive outcomes for midwives. Research from Victoria showed that caseload midwives had lower burnout scores and higher professional satisfaction than midwives who worked in standard shift-based ways.42 This was a small study from one setting, but similar findings have also been reported from Adelaide,43 the United Kingdom44 and New Zealand.45 In a recent qualitative study in Australia, newly graduated midwives who were supported, mentored and orientated reported considerable benefits from working in midwifery continuity of care models and were highly satisfied with their work.46,47

Translating this evidence into practice

Currently in Australia, although midwifery continuity of care and carer is espoused in many state48 and national6 policy documents, with “toolkits”49,50 and guidance39 also available, widespread implementation remains limited. A recent national survey aimed to determine the prevalence of and factors associated with implementation and sustainability of midwifery models of care, especially caseload midwifery services.51 Participants were the maternity managers of the 235 public hospitals that provide birthing services. The survey had a 63% response rate (149/235), representing all states and territories; metropolitan, regional and remote areas; and hospitals with very small to very large birth numbers. Only 31% of responders reported that their hospital offered caseload midwifery, with an estimated 8% of women receiving caseload care at that time. Of those hospitals without a caseload model, 62% reported that they were planning to establish one. The survey showed that midwifery continuity of care models were expanding across the country and that there was strong perceived consumer interest in such models. Most hospitals with a caseload model reported having more women who wanted to access this model than there were places available, and community demand was high in areas where implementation was being considered.51 The findings of this study are clearly limited by its response rate of 63%, and further research examining the models of midwifery care available in Australia is needed to quantify the translation of evidence into practice.

Despite this survey’s limitations, it is clear that midwifery continuity of carer is not being widely implemented in Australia. Factors contributing to this include a lack of midwifery and medical leadership, workforce shortages and fears about the autonomy of midwives. A lack of medical staff support continues to be cited as an obstacle to change in many services.51 Nevertheless, some services have been developed through effective and respectful collaboration between midwives and doctors, and there is evidence that such interprofessional collaboration is attainable in midwifery continuity of care models.52

Recruiting and retaining midwives who are interested in and available for work in this model remain problems for many services. However, all new graduates from Australian midwifery programs have had opportunities to work in this way during their education,53 and many want to work this way in the future.54 Midwifery continuity of care is a “different” way of working, and it takes time for midwives and their managers to adapt to working on call, with fewer boundaries between work and personal time.38 This is not always embraced by service managers, medical staff or hospitals, as it requires trusting the midwives and enabling them to develop professional relationships with women and to assume responsibility, accountability, autonomy and legitimacy in their practice.38

Many hospital managers raise concerns about the effects of staff burnout on the sustainability of midwifery continuity of care models.55 Despite this, research in the UK has shown that high levels of occupational autonomy and assistance with ensuring a work–life balance provide a protective effect on the levels of burnout for midwives.56

Models of midwifery care for the future

Globally, the understanding that midwifery models of care are best practice for all pregnant women is gathering momentum. The evidence is now clear; there is Level I evidence from well conducted randomised controlled trials showing benefit for women and the health system, and numerous non-randomised studies show similar benefits for women, midwives and organisations. Recent international policy documents highlight the need for midwifery continuity of carer. For example, the 5-year forward view for maternity care in England, known as “Better Births”, recommends:57

Continuity of carer, to ensure safe care based on a relationship of mutual trust and respect in line with the woman’s decisions. Every woman should have a midwife, who is part of a small team of 4 to 6 midwives, based in the community who knows the woman and family, and can provide continuity throughout the pregnancy, birth and postnatally.

The Australian maternity care system is similar to that in the UK, and this recommendation was based on evidence partly drawn from Australian studies.13

To bridge the gap in translating the evidence into clinical practice in Australia, widespread reorganisation of the way maternity services are provided is required. Midwifery continuity of carer programs can no longer be implemented as pilot programs or in piecemeal ways for small numbers of women; the evidence and the demand are now so strong that widespread reform is needed. A critical part of such reform is effective collaboration with obstetricians, general practitioners, paediatricians and other medical professionals involved in the care of pregnant women. Enabling and facilitating midwives to take a lead role in the care of women is an essential step in the process of reforming the maternity care system. A better understanding of the barriers and challenges associated with implementing midwifery continuity of care is also needed, and further research should examine this research–practice gap.

Despite the need for more research into ways to effectively implement this model of care in practice, is it ethical to withhold access to midwifery continuity of care from the majority of women in Australia, given the strength of evidence, the supporting policy documents and the demand from women? Future models of maternity care in Australia need to ensure that women have access to midwifery continuity of care. Midwives need to be valued and respected in their roles as key providers of primary maternity services in all settings for childbearing women in Australia. Flexible ways of working need to be enabled so that midwives can provide continuity of care, and innovative funding models in the public and private sectors need to be developed so that women can access the maternity care provider they need and want.

Box –
Identified major categories of models of maternity care in Australia11

Model of care category

Description


Midwifery group practice (public) caseload care

Antenatal, intrapartum and postnatal care is provided by a known primary midwife with a secondary back-up midwife or midwives providing cover, and with assistance from doctors where needed.* Antenatal and postnatal care is provided in the hospital, community or home, with intrapartum care in a hospital, birth centre or home.

Team midwifery care

Antenatal, intrapartum and postnatal care is provided by a small team of rostered midwives, in collaboration with doctors where needed.* Intrapartum care is usually provided in a hospital or birth centre. Postnatal care may continue in the home or community, provided by the team midwives.

Private midwifery care

Antenatal, intrapartum and postnatal care is provided by a private midwife or group of midwives, in collaboration with doctors where needed.* Intrapartum and postnatal care is provided in a range of locations, including at home.

Shared care

Antenatal care is provided by a community provider (doctor and/or midwife) in collaboration with hospital staff under an established agreement. Intrapartum and early postnatal care is usually provided in the hospital by hospital midwives and doctors, often in conjunction with the community provider (particularly in rural settings).

Combined care

Antenatal care is provided by a private maternity service provider (doctor and/or midwife) in the community. Intrapartum and early postnatal care is provided in the public hospital by hospital midwives and doctors. Postnatal care may continue in the home or community, provided by hospital midwives.

Private obstetrician (specialist) care

Antenatal care is provided by a private specialist obstetrician. Intrapartum care is provided in a private or public hospital by the private specialist obstetrician and hospital midwives. Postnatal care is provided in hospital and may continue in the home or a hotel.

Private obstetrician and privately practising midwife joint care

Antenatal, intrapartum and postnatal care is provided by a privately practising obstetrician and midwife from the same private practice. Intrapartum care is provided in either a private or public hospital by the privately practising obstetrician, midwife and/or hospital midwives. Postnatal care is provided in hospital and may continue in the home, hotel or hostel, provided by the private midwife.

General practitioner obstetrician care

Antenatal care is provided by a GP obstetrician. Intrapartum care is provided in a private or public hospital by the GP obstetrician and hospital midwives. Postnatal care is provided in the hospital by the GP obstetrician and hospital midwives and may continue in the home or community.

Public hospital maternity care

Antenatal care is provided in hospital outpatient clinics (onsite or outreach) by midwives and/or doctors. Intrapartum and postnatal care is provided in the hospital by midwives and doctors. Postnatal care may continue in the home or community, provided by hospital midwives.

Public hospital high risk maternity care

Antenatal care is provided to women with medical high risk or complex pregnancies by maternity care providers with an interest in high risk maternity care (specialist obstetricians or maternal–fetal medicine subspecialists with midwives) in a public hospital. Intrapartum and postnatal care is provided by hospital doctors and midwives. Postnatal care may continue in the home or community, provided by hospital midwives.

Remote area maternity care

Antenatal and postnatal care is provided in remote communities by a remote area midwife (or a remote area nurse) or group of midwives, sometimes in collaboration with a remote area nurse and/or doctor, with telehealth or fly-in–fly-out clinicians. Intrapartum and postnatal care is provided in a regional or metropolitan hospital (involving temporary relocation before labour) by hospital midwives and doctors.


* Collaboration with doctors “where needed” means “in the event of identified risk factors”.

Women’s health: local and global matters of great significance

A life cycle approach is important, as is acknowledging the importance of socio-cultural and lifestyle factors

Women’s health, in its broadest sense, encompasses all aspects of their health and wellbeing. From this perspective, this issue of the MJA includes a wide selection of articles covering key issues in women’s health, both locally and globally. The topics covered are diverse, and include pregnancy and reproductive health, as well as health and wellbeing at various stages of a woman’s life cycle. Taking a life course perspective of women’s health clarifies links between their socio-cultural background, reproductive health, lifestyle, and chronic disease risk.1 Significant events across the lifespan, including birthweight and age of menarche, have been identified as likely markers of cardiovascular disease risk,2 pre-menopausal breast cancer risk,3 and diabetes4 in women.

Most women in high and middle income countries will come into contact with health systems and health professionals while they are pregnant, but in Australia there is a confusing plethora of models of care. In some models the care is fragmented, as women move between primary and secondary care, private and public services, and medical and midwifery providers. Outcomes of pregnancy are important indicators of health for women and their families, so it is essential that women have access to a model of care that provides them with the best possible outcomes in every respect.

The narrative review by Homer5 examines the evidence in favour of continuity of care models in which a midwife is the primary maternity caregiver. The evidence, much of which is from Australia, is very clearly in favour of such models. Women report high levels of satisfaction with the midwife’s holistic approach to care during pregnancy and the postnatal period; the maternal and perinatal outcomes are the same as for other medical models, and are achieved with less intervention and at lower cost. The considerable high level evidence from randomised clinical trials now forms the basis of guidelines that advocate this approach for low or normal risk women. Why is it then so difficult for many women to choose this evidence-based model of midwifery care during pregnancy? Only a minority of women can access this form of care, and maternity hospitals appear reluctant to recognise the evidence. Inter-professional rivalries, lack of collaborative leadership models, and inaccurate citing of evidence all block further development, and the translation of the available evidence into practice is held up. As Homer remarks, it really needs to be asked whether it is ethical to deny women access to a model of care that is so strongly supported by the evidence.

Further assessment of how effectively these models work for women with higher risks during pregnancy is required, and one of the greatest challenges is ensuring that all health professionals involved in maternity care work collaboratively to achieve the best outcomes. It makes sense that women at higher psycho-social risk would benefit from greater continuity. Whether or not such models lead to better medium and long term psychological and emotional outcomes for all women needs to be determined, but there is potential for significant benefits for the entire family if the model enhances their wellbeing in the postnatal period and beyond. The likelihood that this outcome of pregnancy will impact on women later in life should be obvious to all.

In their later years, non-communicable diseases (NCDs) pose one of the greatest threats to women’s health globally. NCDs such as cardiovascular disease, cancer, diabetes, and chronic respiratory diseases currently account for around 18 million deaths in women annually, and it is estimated that this will rise by 17% over the next decade.6 The perspective article on global women’s health by Davidson and colleagues7 identifies that much of the increased risk has been attributed to socio-cultural factors, although lifestyle factors, such as unhealthy diet, alcohol consumption and smoking, physical inactivity, and obesity, also play pivotal roles.6 Davidson and colleagues argue that the ramifications of the burden of NCDs for women, their families and the global community is significant, and will lead to escalating health care costs, lost productivity, and adverse social and economic outcomes for families.7

Importantly, the perspective article by Teede and colleagues8 explains how biological differences, gender roles, and social marginalisation affect women, and mean that their risk behaviours are not the same as those of men, with consequences for the success of health-related interventions. From this perspective, more targeted health programs for women and health models of care are likely to better promote the wellbeing of women generally, as well as during pregnancy. This approach should help reduce the impact of modifiable risk factors and the burden of chronic disease, and enhance the development of comprehensive evidence-based policy and practice that improve women’s health.

There is increasing evidence that women’s health needs, both locally and globally, are best served by interventions tailored to their specific needs, acknowledging the links between socio-cultural background, reproductive health, lifestyle and chronic disease risk. Improving health outcomes for women, during pregnancy and at other stages of their life cycle, requires health service providers to recognise this, and to use the evidence to inform their provision of care that is both effective and acceptable to women.